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Despite this threat, Germany and France –the so-called “Old Europe”— have failed to step up to protect Ukraine. Instead, many Eastern European countries – known collectively as “New Europe”–
have demonstrated their resolve to defend the basic principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. The exception to this split between New and Old Europe is the United
Kingdom, which has emerged as a major player in European security. Eighty years after Winston Churchill described Russia as “a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma,” the UK may have
found a winning strategy to confront the Kremlin. Russia’s potential invasion of Ukraine threatens to divide Europe in the same way that the Iraq war did. In 2003, the countries of Eastern
Europe supported the US and UK’s invasion of Iraq. In contrast, France, Germany, and Russia opposed the military intervention. After Britain left the EU, European security leadership was
left to France and Germany. These two giants of the EU have been weak in responding to Vladimir Putin’s malign actions. Russia has invaded its neighbours, interfered in the elections of
several European countries, used chemical weapons on European soil, co-opted European leaders, engaged in corruption, and conducted numerous cyber-attacks. In response, the EU has only
imposed sanctions on Moscow which have failed to act as a potent deterrent. Berlin’s prioritisation of short-term economic benefits over sound foreign policy has allowed Russia to continue
to challenge Europe. This is exemplified by Germany’s support of the controversial Russian-led Nord Stream 2 pipeline. When German Chancellor Olaf Scholz met with President Biden this week
he stressed that Germany remained aligned with the US, but he did not express his intentions to put an end to the Nord Stream 2. Berlin sees the pipeline as another source of cheap gas and
is determined to see it built, despite the likelihood that Moscow will use it as a “weapon” against Europe. Berlin’s passivity does not end there. Rather than sending the lethal aid that
Kyiv requested, Germany sent helmets instead justifying their actions by claiming that they do not send weapons to crisis areas, despite their arms exports to Egypt and Pakistan. Germany
even prevented Estonia from sending artillery pieces to Ukraine. Germany is not alone in its weak stance against Vladimir Putin. France has also been less assertive in standing up to Russia,
opting for a dialogue-fixes-all approach. French President Emmanuel Macron recently met with Vladimir Putin hoping that the diplomatic meeting would result in a softer and kinder Putin.
Macron still naively believes that simple dialogue can bring about de-escalation with Russia. France has demonstrated that it does not take the security concerns Eastern European countries
seriously. Across the Channel things are different. While many assumed that the UK’s departure from the EU would be the end of its security presence in Europe, London has taken the lead
among European powers in responding to the crisis in Ukraine in both rhetoric and action. This is exemplified by the words of the chief of MI6 who recently stated that “No country, in Europe
or beyond, should be seduced into thinking that unbalanced concessions to Russia bring better behavior.” Beyond strong statements, Britain has taken a number of actions to support Ukraine
including supplying Kyiv with anti-tank missiles for self-defense and exposing a purported Russian plot to install a pro-Russian leader in Ukraine. Moreover, Liz Truss, the British foreign
secretary, has said Russian oligarchs and key supporters of Vladimir Putin will be targeted by UK sanctions if Russia invades Ukraine. Britain is also working with Poland and Ukraine to
create a trilateral pact that will strengthen regional security. The UK’s prudent and decisive action in opposing Russian aggression positions it as the primary guarantor of New Europe’s
security. Until Paris and Berlin realise the danger inherent in accommodating Putin, the UK should prioritise working with like-minded European states and the U.S. to build up Ukraine’s
capacity to defend itself against a Russian invasion. Paradoxically, the current situation has demonstrated that—even though Britain left the EU—it is Britain, not France or Germany, that
has proven to be the European power most willing to defend the interests of Europe in the face of Russian hostility. OLGA LAUTMAN IS FROM THE CENTER FOR EUROPEAN POLICY ANALYSIS AND IVANA
STRADNER IS FROM THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE