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As the general election reaches its conclusion, could this year have one last constitutional sting in its tail? There ’ s a chance we could wake up on December 13 with a Conservative
majority, but no Boris Johnson in the House of Commons as Prime Minister. Over the past four weeks, Peter Kellner has taken _TheArticle_ readers through the process of how the Conservative
Party could win a 40-seat majority. The tactic has been to attack pro-Brexit seats in the Midlands and the North. This was meant to be where the Brexit Party stuck it to Labour, but as
Alistair Burt has written here, it looks as if the Conservatives have bypassed Farage and done it themselves. In doing this, the Conservatives have made a rod for their own back in
metropolitan southern seats which are pro-Tory but heavily Remain. A quick scan through these at-risk constituencies draws our attention to Uxbridge and South Ruislip and its sitting MP,
Alexander Boris de Pfeffel Johnson. His majority in 2017 was only 5,034 votes. The electorate of Uxbridge voted Remain by 57 per cent in the 2016 referendum. The blues of Uxbridge are more
George Osborne’s “Evening Standard Conservatives”, rather than Boris Johnson’s “Telegraph Tories”. It’s clear Boris will lose votes in protest against his role in Brexit; the question is how
many? If it was just about Brexit, Boris would cling on, but at the local level there’s more at play in Uxbridge than just Leave or Remain. Uxbridge is home to Brunel University and has a
student population of over 10,000. Labour has been canny by putting up the 25-year-old Ali Milani as its candidate, who until 2017, was President of the Union of Brunel Students. He ’ s got
deep roots in the University and, along with Momentum pouring in hundreds of boots on the ground, is bound to get a far higher left-wing student vote out than they did in 2017. The
constituency has two particular issues which the Labour Party has ruthlessly exploited. Uxbridge stands almost in the shadow of Grenfell Tower. The Conservatives handled this tragic disaster
badly, and that was before Jacob Rees -Mogg’s idiotic comments at the start of the general election campaign. This would have played out in few constituencies worse than Uxbridge. The
constituency is also going to be negatively affected by the expansion of Heathrow — remember Boris ’ s infamous pledge to lie down in front of the bulldozers to stop the airport’s third
runway? His conversion to driver-in-chief of those same bulldozers has played terribly in Uxbridge. Hence his hints this week that the third runway might not happen after all. For obvious
reasons Boris has been largely anonymous in his own constituency during this campaign; he ’ s gone fishing in the north. This has all added to a feeling of an absent landlord taking his
Uxbridge tenants for granted. YouGov have the constituency as a probable Conservative hold but, when things on the ground make an area unique, polling data can be misleading by pushing
national trends onto local distinctiveness. Bookmakers can give a far more accurate understanding of local anomalies and Paddy Power rates Uxbridge as one of the top five most likely
constituencies to change hands on polling day. This all means it looks very dicey for Boris being re-elected as MP for Uxbridge. So, what happens if we wake up on Friday 13th with a Tory
majority, but no Conservative leader sitting in Parliament? The most likely scenario would be for the 1922 Committee (the Conservative Parliamentary Party) to select an acting leader. Boris
could force a by-election by chucking an MP from a safe seat under a bus. This process would take a minimum of six weeks, be humiliating, but not ultimately fatal for Prime Minister Johnson.
Those six weeks would also be a very long time for the likes of Dominic Cummings to hold on to his power base at the heart of government. What we can ’ t discount, in such a situation, are
some of Boris ’ s rivals from the last ill-tempered Conservative leadership contest launching an extraordinary coup to topple him in his moment of victory. It’s far-fetched, but not
implausible, that Sajid Javid or Michael Gove could strike for the leadership while Boris finds himself isolated and out of Parliament. This would be an apt constitutional crisis at the end
of an extraordinary year.